Part 2:
Sexual Violence in Sudan: Regression of Social Norms for Women Since April 2023
Olivia Licata
I would like to thank Dr. Bakry Elmedni, Dr. Awad Ibrahim, and Entisar Abdelsadig for generously speaking with me about the experience of women in Sudan amid the most recent civil war. This project was inspired by our conversations and guided by their insights.
As the first paper in this two-part series described, social norms and legal structures in Sudan make it very difficult for women to receive support and services after being raped. The implications of these legal and social conditions are true during both peacetime and wartime. However, because conflict correlates with increased rape and weakened institutions, Sudanese women are especially vulnerable during war. Since the Sudanese civil war broke out in April 2023, sexual violence has been pervasive, occurring throughout the country, including in the capital of Khartoum. The increased prevalence of sexual violence in Khartoum is forcing urban populations to confront this type of violence for the first time.[1] This development is notable because historically sexual violence has been relatively concentrated in rural regions, including Darfur.[2]
Because legal institutions fail to effectively address the gender violence that women experience during war, women are forced to make specific lifestyle decisions to ensure their safety and security. In an effort to avoid sexual violence, many women in Sudan are deciding to adopt more traditional social norms. Women who had migrated to Khartoum are now returning to their rural communities to be with their families.[3] Upon return, many of them are embracing conservative social traditions, such as marrying young and undergoing genital mutilation, in the belief that this will protect them from becoming victims of rape.[4] This shift signifies the failure of Sudanese legal institutions to protect women, thus leading women to reinvigorate traditional social customs in the hopes of defending themselves. This paper will explore the trends in early marriage, genital mutilation, and relocation to examine how Sudanese women are responding to the sexual violence of the most recent iteration of the Sudanese Civil War. Because conflict makes it difficult for data to collect data, evidence in this paper will be primarily qualitative and inferences will be drawn from the analysis of issue-related trends.
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(Reuters)
Theory: The Social Impacts of Conflict
Conflict has devastating impacts on communities. In addition to widespread violence and death, conflict shifts peoples social behaviors. For example, Guha-Sapir and Forcella found that Ethiopian refugee women tended to reject contraception following the 1998 Eritrean–Ethiopian War because of a new “population replenishment” attitude.[5] Despite the availability of contraception, women chose not to use it. This behavior reflects how women decided to take on a principal role in rebuilding their communities through procreation because of the losses of the war.
With regard to the social changes examined in this paper – urban to rural migration, earlier marriage, and the resurgence of female genital mutilation – there are no theories that corroborate the trends occurring in Sudan. Therefore, the literature below reflects the existing understandings of the correlation between conflict and migration, marriage, and female genital mutilation.
Through an analysis of data from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Birkeland found that internally displaced people tend to settle in urban areas for the sense of “invisibility” they can provide.[6] She contends that forced displacement from conflict drives migration from rural to urban areas, where migrants settle in slum neighborhoods.[7]
Based on data from European countries during World War I, Panunzio determined that the rate of marriage increased during pre and early war periods, relative to peacetime.[8] Panunzio argued that the higher marriage rate was a product of favorable pre-war economic conditions, a “now or never” sentiment, the generational knowledge that governments are less likely to draft married men, and women’s affinity for soldier husbands.[9] Panunzio does not assert, however, that marriage rates are impacted by the violence experienced or that the ages people marry changes with the initiation of war.
Studies of female genital mutilation reveal that the practice is justified in a range of ways. According to Webb and Hartley, some people believe that female genital mutilation prevents prostitution, facilitates childbirth, prevents the development of male-like genital organs, and symbolizes female purity.[10] Odeku, Rembe, and Anwo contend that female genital mutilation is practiced for “social conveniences,” such as higher bride prices, the promotion of cleanliness, to lessen female sexual desire, and to signify the transition from girlhood to womanhood.[11] With regard to the impact of female genital mutilation trends during conflict, there is very little data. One research effort found that Malian women exposed to female genital mutilation were almost three times more likely to experience intimate partner violence.[12] Though communities with rampant domestic violence do tend to experience more conflict-related sexual violence, it is not clear if female genital mutilation plays any role in rates of, or responses to war-time sexual violence.
There is limited literature that describes how conflict influences people’s perception of the relevance of traditional social norms such as urban to rural migration, early marriage, and genital mutilation. Given the situation in Sudan, this paper proposes the theory that conflict, particularly with widespread sexual violence, encourages a regression in social norms for women due to the comfort and increased security that they can provide.
Internal Displacement: Urban to Rural Migration
One of the unique characteristics of the most recent conflict in Sudan is that much of the violence is centralized in the capital city and greater region of Khartoum.[13] In previous iterations of the civil war, violence was primarily an issue in rural communities. Therefore, people living in urban areas in Khartoum are experiencing conflict-related sexual violence at a rate like never before.
As a result, in contravention to expectations derived from research on prior wars, many people are returning to their original communities in rural regions to avoid violence and seek support from family. In fact, over 12 million people have left their homes.[14] This figure includes 9.9 million internally displaced people, making Sudan the country with the largest internally displaced population in the world.[15] As of 2023, two-thirds of internally displaced people originated from Khartoum state and 53% are women.[16] This movement of people from urban to rural areas has devastating impacts on the development of Sudanese society. Most people move to urban areas of Sudan to pursue higher education and higher paid jobs, thus granting them more personal autonomy and financial freedom.[17] This dynamic is particularly important for women, as these abilities have been hardfought.
Young girls and women are being forced out of their homes primarily due to the threat of sexual violence. According to Entisar Abdelsadig, the Senior Advisor on Sudan at Search for Common Ground, non-profit organizations are tracking the patterns of the RSF and evacuating women and young girls before the RSF arrive to help them avoid sexual violence.[18] Non-profit organizations coordinate transportation for women and girls, bringing them to regions where there is less violence, such as in the north or east.[19] However, in most cases family units move themselves out of the city and back to their original villages.[20]
Dr. Awad Ibrahim, a Sudanese scholar at the University of Ottawa, asserts that people who move back home to rural communities from the city experience a specific type of psychological pain associated with moving home.[21] Evidence of displacement-related stressors and trauma symptom severity in Sudanese communities suggests that there is an association between PTSD symptoms and personal safety concerns, financial difficulties, and personal hardships.[22] It is likely that these post-conflict, forced migration-related consequences are even more significant for those who move home after being victims of rape, given the taboos related to sex in general in Sudan.[23]
Early Marriage
Abdelsadig also found that women are entering into marriage at a younger age at a higher rate than prior to the conflict.[24] Abdelsadig asserts that girls as young as 16 and 17 are being arranged with older men, despite the illegality of marriage at this age.[25] She argues that parents believe that their young daughters will be able to avoid conflict-related sexual violence if they have a husband to protect them.[26] While there has not been formal quantitative documentation of marriage trends in Sudan since 2014, qualitative evidence from scholars reveals this recent pattern. Thus, this paper will use existing information about correlations between marriage rates and other social trends to hypothesize about the current rates of young marriage in Sudan.
The most recent report on marriage rates in Sudan was released by UNICEF in 2014.[27] In this report they found that 11.9% of women were married before the age of 15; 38% of women were married before the age of 18; and 21.2% of women ages 15-19 were married. They also found that among women 15-19 years old, 7.9% were married to someone 10 or more years older than them. Among women 20-24 years old, 23% were married to someone 10 or more years older than them. It must be noted that this data is based on estimates, as birth registrations are rare in Sudan, particularly in rural and Bedouin communities.[28] Nevertheless, these rates were higher than studies done in previous years, reflecting an increase in young marriage over time.[29] With these rates as a baseline, we can assume that current rates of young marriages are likely higher.
The lack of institutional protection generates high levels of fragility.[30] In this context, a fragile state is one with a government that does not fulfill responsibilities such as making and enforcing laws, or managing the economy and social services.[31] Globally, the more fragile a state is, the higher the rate of young marriage: girls living in extremely fragile settings are twice as likely to marry young, compared to girls living in countries with greater stability.[32] According to Save the Children, Sudan was ranked as ‘extremely fragile’ in 2024 and between 21-77% of Sudanese women ages 20-24 were married before the age of 18.[33] Rates of young marriage are likely to increase with the continuation of conflict because there is a general assumption in Sudan that marriage provides physical security.[34] When the government fails to provide basic levels of protection for the public, such as in times of conflict, women rely upon informal means of security, such as the protection perceived to come from men, particularly husbands. This belief reflects the broader patriarchal social norms that underlie perceptions of marriage and gender relations. Thus, the idea that having a husband insures against rape, combined with the increase in violence throughout the country, makes it probable that young marriage rates are on the rise. However, evidence suggests that married women are not less likely to experience conflict-related sexual violence than unmarried women.[35]
Prior to the eruption of conflict in 2023, increased access to education for girls had arisen as a factor in trends towards delayed marriages in Sudan.[36] While a lack of education for girls had previously been both a driver and an implication of young marriages, increased access to and awareness of the importance of education among girls inspired this shift.[37] However, now that 90% of school-age children in Sudan no longer have access to formal education, the trend towards later marriages is likely to reverse.[38] Moreover, the movement of families from urban to rural areas makes it less likely that girls will find access to education even after the conflict ends, as rates of education are significantly lower in rural areas compared to urban areas in Sudan.[39] Therefore, the impacts of conflict on education are likely to contribute to increased rates of early marriage among girls in Sudan.
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(Al Jazeera)
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The Resurgence of Genital Mutilation
The final social trend appearing in Sudan in correlation with the eruption of violence is the the resurgence of female genital mutilation (FGM). While rates of female genital mutilation had been on the decline in recent years in Sudan, Abdelsadig asserts that there has been an uptick in the performance of this tradition as a response to the conflict. She argues that Sudanese women perceive female genital mutilation as a strategy to protect themselves against sexual violence and therefore consent to the practice for their own self-preservation. Increased rates of FGM will have devastating impacts on the health and wellbeing of women in the long-term, contributing to the suffering that Sudanese communities will experience as a result of the civil war.
Female genital mutilation is the “partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.”[40] Women tend to undertake FGM for purposes of perceived cleanliness (purity), social acceptance, and sexual attractiveness to men.[41] There are serious consequences of FGM. These consequences include excruciating pain, severe bleeding, infection, infertility, childbearing complications, and post-traumatic stress disorder, among other long-term physical and psychological damage.[42] International organizations, such as the United Nations, have declared FGM to violate universal human rights.[43] However, as of 2024, 230 million living girls and women worldwide have undergone FGM.[44] This is 15% larger than the affected population in 2016.[45]
Over 144 million of the 230 million FGM cases worldwide are performed in countries in Africa.[46] Sudan has the sixth largest percentage of girls and women who have experience FGM.[47] As of December 2023, 87% of women in Sudan had undergone FGM.[48] Sudan also has one of the highest rates of FGM for girls between the ages of 5-9.[49] The rates of FGM between urban and rural communities are practically the same, with rates just one percentage point lower in urban areas.[50] While this rate is still exceptionally high relative to other countries where there is a tradition of FGM, it represents a decrease from 89% in 2010.[51] Rates among young girls have also decreased over time, changing from 37% in 2010 to 32% in 2014.[52]
While rates of FGM have decreased marginally in Sudan, beliefs surrounding the practice have transformed more significantly. In 1990, 79% of Sudanese women ages 15-49 believed that FGM should continue.[53] As of 2023, 41% of women believed this.[54] This substantial decline in support for FGM reflects a widespread awareness of the negative physical, mental, and emotional implications of the practice, and the shift towards more progressive social practices, particularly as they relate to women. Nevertheless, the rate of FGM in Sudan continues to be one of the highest in the world, reflecting how deeply embedded this practice is in social norms.
Despite this evidence from 2023, Abdelsadig claims that the resurgence of conflict and the associated sexual violence, particularly in Khartoum, are challenging progressive perceptions of FGM. While higher rates of educated people in Khartoum has increased awareness among couples of the dangers of FGM and made them less likely to subject their daughter to the practice, as these couples move back to rural areas, their perceptions are changing.[55] Their migration back to rural communities that largely still undertake FGM and the threat of sexual violence has cause women to readopt FGM as a means to protect themselves and their daughters from sexual violence. Abdelsadig contends that women believe that FGM would “make it more difficult for the rapist.”[56] This belief in FGM as a strategy for protection reveals how women are willing to mutilate themselves and their daughters to avoid sexual violence, despite knowing the associated dangers and long-term consequences. Abdelsadig explained that while the shift of social norms is regressive, this is how women feel like they can best protect themselves and their daughters amid conflict.[57]
In addition to women undergoing FGM for direct protection, girls are being subjected to FGM at higher rates because of the benefits for marriage prospects. As described earlier in the paper, earlier marriage is a byproduct of conflict due to the understanding that marriage provides protection. Because parents believe that marriage will protect girls from sexual violence during conflict, they perform FGM on their daughters to help them get married sooner. Because FGM is understood as a means to ensure virginity and virginity is seen as a prerequisite to marriage, FGM is believed to be directly associated with better marriage prospects.[58]
Although FGM has negative implications even in the best of conditions, it is particularly dangerous during conflict because of the collapse of the medical sector. Sudan boasts one of the highest rates of medicalized FGM in the world, with 67% of FGM performed by a healthcare professional.[59] Medicalized FGM is largely seen as a progressive development of FGM practices, as it makes it more likely that the procedure will be done safely. However, with the collapse of the healthcare system as a result of the war, FGM will likely be relegated to private spaces and performed by untrained community members.[60] These conditions decrease the likelihood that FGM will be performed safely and correctly.[61] Therefore, female genital mutilation not only becoming more popular as people move to rural communities and marry earlier to avoid sexual violence, but the practice is becoming more dangerous due to the institutional impacts of the war.
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Conclusion
The lack of legal protections for women and the destruction of institutions resulting from the civil war has caused women to attempt to protect themselves from sexual violence through social behaviors. By relocating from urban to rural areas, marrying earlier, and undergoing FGM, women and girls have sacrificed their own social progress for what they believe is physical protection. The regression of social norms as a result of the civil war has further marginalized women in Sudan, making it likely that they will experience disproportionate social, political, and economic difficulties throughout and following the war.
Endnotes
1. Awad Ibrahim and Olivia Licata, Interview with Dr. Awad Ibrahim, February 19, 2024..
2. Awad Ibrahim and Olivia Licata, Interview with Dr. Awad Ibrahim, February 19, 2024.
4. Entisar Abdelsadig and Olivia Licata, Interview with Entisar Abdelsadig, February 18, 2024..
7. Birkeland.
9. Panunzio.
15. “Sudan Internal Displacement Set to Top 10 Million as Famine Looms.”
18. Abdelsadig and Licata, Interview with Entisar Abdelsadig.
21. Ibrahim and Licata, Interview with Dr. Awad Ibrahim.
22. Hemmeda, Lina, et al. “Displacement-Related Stressors in a Sudanese War-Affected Community; Identifying the Impact of War Exposure and Ongoing Stressors on Trauma Symptom Severity: A National Multi-Center Cross-Sectional Study.” BMC Public Health, vol. 25, no. 1, Apr. 2025, p. 1325. Springer Link, https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-025-22411-1.
23. Ibrahim and Licata, Interview with Dr. Awad Ibrahim.
24. Abdelsadig and Licata, Interview with Entisar Abdelsadig.
29. Aref and Rahman.
31. “Global Girlhood Report 2024.”
32. “Global Girlhood Report 2024.”
33. “Global Girlhood Report 2024.”
34. “Sudan Country Brief Regional Study on Child Marriage” (UNICEF, n.d.).
35. “Explore the Facts: Violence against Women.” UN Women. Accessed May 15, 2025. https://interactive.unwomen.org/multimedia/infographic/violenceagainstwomen/en/index.html.
36. Aref and Rahman, The Handbook of Marriage in the Arab World, 17:336.
37. Aref and Rahman, The Handbook of Marriage in the Arab World.
39. “Improving Girls Learning and Outcomes In Sudan” (The World Bank, October 21, 2021).
40. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet” (UNICEF, December 2023).
41. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
43. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
44. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
45. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
46. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
47. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
48. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
49. “Female Genital Mutilation: A Global Concern.”
50. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
51. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
52. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
53. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
54. “Female Genital Mutilation in Sudan Factsheet.”
55. Abdelsadig and Licata, Interview with Entisar Abdelsadig.
60. Ayang.
61. Ayang.
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